Lebanon's Path to Disarming Hezbollah: Exploring New Avenues, Insha'Allah
As-salamu alaykum wa rahmatullah. Many Lebanese officials, both openly and in private, are feeling disappointed with the current American team handling Lebanon affairs. One senior minister recently expressed to me, “They lack experience and institutional knowledge.” Since last year’s ceasefire in the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, imposed by the administration in Washington, things have largely been stuck in a standstill, with diplomatic efforts losing momentum.
Recently, Ghassan Salameh, Lebanon’s Minister of Culture, shared his thoughts on a TV interview about the conflicting messages coming from Tom Barrack, the US envoy to Lebanon. Having served as a UN envoy himself, Mr. Salameh emphasized two lessons: speak less and deeply understand the history of the country you’re engaging with.
His critique reflects the confusion many in Lebanon feel regarding American statements. For instance, Mr. Barrack once said in an interview, “The Lebanese only talk about Hezbollah’s disarmament, but don’t act.” Yet just weeks before, he praised Lebanon’s cabinet for agreeing to disarm all non-state groups, including Hezbollah.
At that time, Mr. Barrack claimed the Lebanese government had taken the first step and that now Israel needed to reciprocate by withdrawing from certain occupied areas and reducing attacks. He said such Israeli moves could help convince Hezbollah to give up its weapons. But upon returning to Beirut, he reported Israel refused to cooperate.
In other words, Mr. Barrack lacked support from higher authorities, which hurt his credibility. He also promised the US would provide $1 billion annually to support the Lebanese army, which is currently under-equipped to confront Hezbollah, but failed to follow up on this commitment.
Moreover, his comment that the US arms the Lebanese army “not to fight Israel, but to fight their own people” shocked many, as it seemed to acknowledge encouraging internal conflict.
There has been uncertainty about who truly represents US policy, as envoys shifted and messages changed. For example, Morgan Ortagus, a vocal supporter of Israel, initially served as Lebanon envoy before Mr. Barrack, and later accompanied him on visits after some controversial remarks.
Recently, Senator Lindsey Graham, another supporter of Israel, traveled to Lebanon and later declared that if peaceful disarmament of Hezbollah fails, then military action might be necessary.
This has led even pro-American segments of the Lebanese government to doubt what the US can offer. Still, Lebanon recognizes the Trump administration’s influence can’t be ignored. It may be time for Lebanon to pursue more creative and multifaceted diplomacy to gain some flexibility with Washington and Israel.
This might mean quietly initiating talks with Iran, which ultimately controls Hezbollah’s weapons. Even if these discussions don’t yield immediate results, Lebanon needs to understand Iran’s position beyond public statements and explore possible compromises. Hezbollah is a significant card for Iran, and Beirut should seek any openings.
Lebanon could also consider engaging other countries, such as Russia, which has close ties with Iran, and China, which has played roles in regional reconciliation efforts.
Such contacts should remain discreet and insulated from Lebanon’s internal political rivalries, especially with elections approaching that could disrupt diplomatic moves.
Lebanon must carefully manage its relationship with the US in this process, as Washington might oppose these backchannel talks. Ultimately, this is a sovereign decision aimed at disarming Hezbollah, protecting Lebanon’s interests, maintaining ties with all parties, and asserting that Lebanon’s choices cannot be dictated by the US, Iran, or Israel.
If Lebanon chooses this path, it should keep the Americans informed just enough to maintain space for action. This is challenging given Lebanon’s divisions, US assertiveness, and Israel’s opposition to any moves limiting its influence.
However, for the first time in decades, Lebanon has a chance to practice independent diplomacy. While some external actors may resist, the region’s multipolar power dynamics encourage thinking beyond traditional approaches. If the US intends to subcontract Lebanon to Israel’s preferences, Lebanon must reconsider full alignment.
May Allah guide Lebanon to peace and stability, and help all parties work towards justice and harmony.
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