Ambushes, executions and special courts: Hamas’s purge of enemies inside Gaza - a Muslim perspective
As-salamu alaykum. The killings reportedly started within hours of the ceasefire in Gaza, as forces loyal to Hamas moved through the enclave searching for those seen as threats.
Using ambushes, special units and intelligence networks, they tracked down people accused of collaborating with Israel and members of armed gangs who had set themselves up as rivals to Hamas.
Some were killed over stealing aid. Others, afraid of severe punishment, surrendered to Gaza authorities or to factions aligned with Hamas. Suspects were brought before improvised “field courts” to face wartime justice.
“Everything can be forgiven,” said a Gaza Interior Ministry official. “Except collaboration with the occupation and harming our people. For that, the campaign is relentless.”
With the initial ceasefire deal in place, the operation spread across Gaza from Khan Younis in the south to Gaza City and Beit Lahia in the north - even as international hopes for peace and reconstruction after the bombardment grew.
Supporters argue the crackdown is about restoring order and going after those who exploited wartime chaos. A power vacuum left by the offensive allowed organised militias, led by figures who patrolled neighbourhoods and clashed with Hamas, to emerge. Israel admitted liaising with some of these groups.
“This campaign isn’t about seizing political power,” the Interior Ministry official said. “It’s about bringing safety back, so families can sleep in their homes after two years of terrible war.”
But the drive has drawn criticism from international and Palestinian officials, who warn violence is spreading “outside the law and without fair trials.” Plans for postwar governance emphasise that Hamas should not have a formal role, and propose Palestinian committees supervised by an international board - raising concerns the crackdown could jeopardise peace efforts.
Recently, dozens of armed clashes broke out between Hamas-affiliated security units and local militias. Several members of Gaza’s internal security forces were killed or wounded in the operations. Officials say it was a heavy but necessary price to restore order.
A security source described specialised units leading what he called a complex internal war. “Some collaborators are hiding inside areas still controlled by the Israeli army,” he said. “We go after them anyway.” He added suspects included people who used vehicles under Israeli protection to fire on others, and that in such cases Hamas units “neutralise” the threat immediately.
Other missions focused on intelligence-gathering and arrests. Once detained, suspects were brought before so-called field courts, a wartime system used when normal courts cannot operate.
The US and other actors protested the crackdown, urging Hamas to suspend violence and seize the chance for peace.
The Palestinian Authority also condemned the killings, saying they showed Hamas imposing authority through force while Gazans suffer war, destruction and siege. The PA, dominated by Fatah, lost control of Gaza to Hamas in 2007; some proposals foresee the PA resuming a role in Gaza after long-discussed reforms.
For many in Gaza, the campaign revived painful memories of factional violence. Husni Al Mughni, head of the enclave’s Supreme Council for Tribal Affairs, said most tribal leaders supported the crackdown within limits. “Gaza’s people lived through hell during the war,” he said. “They starved, were besieged, and some of our own - collaborators and outlaws - made things worse. Holding them to account is both a religious and national duty.”
He acknowledged executions of convicted collaborators and said there was “broad tribal and national backing” for restoring justice, but warned against revenge killings and excesses. “Punishment must not become chaos,” he added.
Tribes reportedly withdrew protection from families proven to have collaborated, allowing prosecutions. “There are not many of them,” he said. “Removing them will purify society.”
Israeli forces withdrew to the agreed Yellow Line, though Israel says it still controls around half of Gaza. A senior security official said emergency wartime tribunals had sentenced several collaborators to death, claiming the trials met procedural standards under their revolutionary laws because normal courts cannot function right now.
Some executions were public to serve as deterrence, he said, a policy rights activists warn could fuel fear and instability. The official defended it, saying leniency with traitors is not an option, while stressing monitoring to avoid internal conflict and prevent Gaza sliding into civil war.
Legal researcher Abdullah Sharshara called the campaign “necessary but dangerous.” He agreed armed gangs, profiteers and thieves who stole aid, trafficked drugs and terrorised people should face punishment, but warned civilian casualties could spark revenge and deepen wounds. “Gaza is extremely fragile. People need security, not more fear,” he said.
This is a painful and complicated moment for Gaza. Many seek justice and security after terrible losses, but wise, restrained, lawful steps are needed to avoid more bloodshed and to protect the innocent. May Allah grant the people safety, justice, and a path to lasting peace.
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